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School's Out

by LYNNELL HANCOCK

[from the July 9, 2007 issue]

A knot of parents and teachers--some clutching children, others = clutching=20 protest fliers--huddled outside Hostos Community College one frosty = evening last=20 February. The forty or so Bronx residents had crisscrossed the borough = for the=20 rare chance to mix it up with the New York City schools chancellor in a = public=20 forum.

A guard met them at the door. No more room, he said, leaving the = agitated=20 parents, quite literally, out in the cold. They had hoped to hear Joel = Klein=20 explain why he was scrambling the school system's signals for the second = time in=20 five years. Inside the Grand Concourse annex, Klein was winding down his = pitch=20 to the hundred or so in the audience who had made the cut. "We are = enacting=20 these reforms so we can make sure whatever your skin color, wherever you = live,=20 your kid will get the education he needs and deserves," Klein shouted = into the=20 microphone.

Klein may have appeared an awkward headmaster in his Wall Street = suit, but he=20 was on familiar terrain, wrapping his arguments for corporate-style = school=20 overhaul in the ethos of civil rights. He is driven by the noble pledge = to=20 "finish the job that Brown v. Board of Education began." His path = to=20 racial equity, however, employs the efficient tools of = business--top-down=20 decisions, marketplace incentives and a belief in private sector = solutions to=20 public school problems. Instruction is "data driven." Academic results = are=20 "granular." It is a technocratic vision of education, in sync with = big-moneyed=20 foundations, at odds with most classroom teachers and many parents.

In the calculus of the moment, each of the city's 1,450 schools is = considered=20 an independent franchise. Like a bank outlet or a RadioShack store, any = given=20 school is a "key unit" in Klein's new Department of Education. Schools = are=20 headed by branch managers, or principals, whose jobs have been = reconfigured as=20 CEOs rather than as educators. Principals are expected to contract out = for=20 nearly every core service, from testing to professional development to = their own=20 support team. Quarterly returns flow out in the form of tests four times = a year.=20 Schools must compete with one another, at their peril. The lowest = performers on=20 the bell curve may be sanctioned or shut down.

Thomas Sobol, the former New York State education commissioner, = believes the=20 battle lines have been drawn between democracy and corporatization. "The = arrogance, my God, of saying because we know how to run Kmart, we know = how to=20 educate children," said Sobol, professor emeritus at Columbia = University's=20 Teachers College. "It represents a giant defeat of democracy."

In Klein's view, "corporatization" and "privatization" are = meaningless=20 phrases used to detract from the real revolution underfoot. "There is = nothing=20 less public about public schools," he insisted during a recent interview = at=20 Department of Education headquarters. His reforms are about = strengthening the=20 top in order to bring equity to the bottom. A lone public employee, = Klein has=20 nearly unfettered control of 1.1 million schoolchildren and a $15.4 = billion=20 budget. "In the end it is my responsibility to say, I think this is the = right=20 policy," Klein said. "I need to be prepared to make the tough service = delivery=20 decision. The mayor holds me accountable, and the city holds the mayor=20 accountable. We should not have 'shared decision-making.' That's what = marks all=20 unsuccessful school reforms."

A lot is riding on Klein's record--including the political future of = Mayor=20 Michael Bloomberg, which may include an independent run for President. = He was=20 the first mayor in thirty-three years to be authorized by the State = Legislature=20 to directly pick his own chancellor and who has wagered his mayoralty on = the=20 fortunes of the city's schools. Urban school systems across the nation = are=20 watching the radical overhaul in New York City. If the plan succeeds, it = will=20 mean a triumph for advocates of mayoral school takeovers and a boon for = the new=20 breed of CEO superintendents committed to business solutions for public = schools.=20 Mayoral control has already taken hold in Chicago, Boston, Cleveland = and, most=20 recently, Washington--whose mayor replaced the school superintendent, at = Klein's=20 recommendation, with 37-year-old education entrepreneur Michelle Rhee. =

If Klein's plan falters in New York, many will argue that the demise = was made=20 inevitable by keeping teachers, parents and communities at a yardstick's = distance. No matter how competent and committed the players at the top,=20 public-sector reforms on this imposing scale may be doomed if the people = most=20 affected are left outside.

It certainly felt that way at the Hostos forum, where a faint chant = filtered=20 through the closed windows into the room: "Let the parents in!" As irony = would=20 have it, Klein's Bronx appearance was part of a five-borough mission to = persuade=20 the masses that the mayor's latest structural overhaul was the best = thing for=20 every child. The Bronx parents inside weren't buying it. "No science. No = history. Only tests," one mother bellowed, shaking her finger at the = chancellor.=20 Applause thundered across the linoleum. "Welcome to the boogie-down," = another=20 mother said, followed by more hoots and hollers. "We're real here." She = then=20 criticized a recent citywide busing fiasco that left one of the = chancellor's=20 corporate consultants $16 million richer and scores of children = wondering how=20 they would get to school.

Finally, a statuesque woman from the South Bronx took the microphone, = choking=20 back nerves. "I saw a guidance counselor pulling a kindergarten child = across the=20 floor like an animal," began Rosa Villafane tentatively. "The principal = won't do=20 anything. She's an empowerment principal," Villafane said, referring to = one of=20 the chancellor's key reforms that offers the city's principals greater = authority=20 to make decisions in exchange for more accountability. "If she won't = listen,=20 where do I go?"

The chancellor had a standard reply for her, the one he employed = after nearly=20 every appeal that night: "E-mail me," he said. "I'm accountable." He did = not=20 follow up the offer with his e-mail address. He then slumped into his = chair,=20 chin in hand, looking as if he wanted very much to be somewhere else. =

A Harvard-trained litigator and former deputy White House counsel to=20 President Clinton, Klein is many things, but he is not a man to = boogie-down in=20 the Bronx. Raised in a working-class family in Bensonhurst, Brooklyn, = Klein=20 graduated from William Bryant High School in Queens, class of '63. = That's where=20 his connections to most children in New York's schools end. After = graduating=20 from law school in 1971 and launching his own DC law firm, he served as = an=20 assistant attorney general with the Justice Department, where he = prosecuted the=20 government's antitrust case against Microsoft. His most recent job was = as CEO of=20 the German-owned global media giant Bertelsmann.

It's an unlikely r=E9sum=E9 for the head of the nation's largest = public school=20 system, but one with obvious appeal to the then- Republican mayor. = Bloomberg had=20 begun the systemwide makeover before Klein arrived by putting up a For = Sale sign=20 on the Soviet-style Board of Education headquarters at 110 Livingston = Street in=20 Brooklyn, an address synonymous with bloated bureaucracy. Redubbed the=20 Department of Education, it moved its offices into the elegantly = appointed Tweed=20 Courthouse in the shadow of City Hall. Old faces were replaced, while = old ways=20 of doing business were rapidly brought under tight, centralized control. =

As soon as Klein took over, he hired private consultants and = installed a=20 cabinet of mostly noneducators making six-figure salaries. Fresh young=20 principals with minimal experience were brought in from outside New York = to=20 replace the large number of those who left or were forced out. The = thirty-two=20 old school districts were scrapped and refitted into ten regions. New = Yorkers=20 tend to love rat-a-tat changes. Few mourned the loss of a bureaucracy = everyone=20 had derided. "I thought mayoral control was a good idea at first," said = Noreen=20 Connell, head of Education Priorities Panel, a research and advocacy = group. "It=20 was good when they broke through the facilities funding logjam."

Klein and Bloomberg worked in tandem to cash in their corporate and = celebrity=20 connections, hauling in piles of money and a star-studded cast. Caroline = Kennedy=20 was hired at a dollar a year to attract philanthropy money into the=20 administration. Former General Electric chair Jack Welch was brought = onto the=20 advisory board of the $70 million principal's academy to train the new = managers.=20 Klein's former adversary Bill Gates ponied up $51 million in 2003 to = help create=20 small schools. Gates's foundation would later increase its investment to = more=20 than $100 million. Next came "managed instruction," as Klein would call = it, with=20 standardized math and reading curriculum, and the promise to create = fifty=20 charters and 150 small schools.

But it became painfully clear early on that the public would have = little to=20 no role in the rapid changes in the classroom. Bloomberg entered the = re-election=20 season in 2004 taking on the politically irresistible problem of "social = promotion"--the practice of moving kids up through the grades whether or = not=20 they had learned much. He tested third graders (later adding fourth and = seventh=20 graders) and held them back if they didn't make the grade. The approach = went=20 before the new Panel for Educational Policy, a thirteen-member appointed = board=20 that had replaced the old seven-member Board of Education. Two Bloomberg = appointees and a Staten Island borough president appointee were set to = join the=20 five parent members to vote against the measure. The mayor swept in and = replaced=20 all three renegades on the eve of the vote, a move the tabloids dubbed = the=20 "Monday Night Massacre." Klein still counts "ending social promotion" as = one of=20 his administration's accomplishments, citing increased numbers of = score-based=20 promotions as evidence.

Contracting Out

New Yorkers still seeking solutions to the woes of public schools = were sorely=20 tested on a bitter cold day in midwinter. On January 29 yellow school = buses=20 barreled out of their garages onto new, reconfigured routes. No trial = runs.=20 Within hours, hollers could be heard from eastern Queens to the North = Bronx.=20 Children as young as 5 were cut off from their usual bus routes and = issued=20 subway MetroCards. Others were left waiting on cold street corners for = an hour=20 or more, arriving late to school. Some children were sent across hectic = Francis=20 Lewis Boulevard in Queens to catch their bus.

"No New York adult would cross Francis Lewis Boulevard," said Betsy = Gotbaum,=20 the city's public advocate. "They certainly wouldn't send their = children=20 across it."

The chaos was caused in large part by the financial consulting firm = Alvarez=20 & Marsal, an outfit the department hired without competitive bidding = at $16=20 million to find $200 million from the department's budget to divert = directly=20 into the schools. Its first order of business was to streamline the = city's=20 school bus routes. The net savings for all this grief: $5 million, far = less than=20 what was originally estimated.

The head of an independent citywide parent group said the parents had = warned=20 officials about the impending debacle two months earlier. "They ignored = us, as=20 usual," said Tim Johnson, chair of the Chancellor's Parent Advisory = Council.=20

That debacle spotlighted a flurry of outside contracts signed by this = administration, many of them without competitive bids. City comptroller = William=20 Thompson Jr. was alarmed to find that the Alvarez & Marsal contract = allowed=20 one consultant to charge the city as much as $450 an hour. A subsequent=20 investigation found that Klein's office had signed an estimated $270 = million in=20 outside no-bid contracts after Klein took the reins; several contracts = had=20 serious problems. Platform Learning, for example, was hired for $7.6 = million to=20 tutor city school kids over a five-year period. After three years, = Platform had=20 earned more than $62 million, nine times its contracted amount, with two = years=20 remaining.

"There is no accountability, no oversight, no transparency in this=20 administration," Gotbaum said. "New Yorkers deserve better." The = chancellor=20 claimed that $250 million had been redirected into the classroom. = Thompson's=20 office could find only $140 million in savings, and no evidence that any = of it=20 had ended up in schools. "At a time when Tweed is demanding more = accountability=20 from our superintendents, our principals and our teachers," Thompson = said, "we=20 are demanding accountability from them."

The chancellor disputes his critics, saying his administration = provides more=20 information and transparency than any in the past. Still, the busing = crisis=20 crystallized into public disenchantment with many of the vaunted = reforms.

Size Matters

One of the most promising reforms was the creation of new, small high = schools. New York already was home to one of the first small-school = movements in=20 the nation, promising democratic, grassroots antidotes to large, = factory-size=20 institutions. So it was fitting, even thrilling, when the new chancellor = embraced small schools as a linchpin of his revitalization plans. = Variety and=20 innovation were encouraged.

But in a short time, critics say, the Department of Education turned = the=20 mission on its head. An astonishing 200 schools were launched in five = years,=20 with more than $100 million in funding from the Bill and Melinda Gates=20 Foundation. Some of them are, without question, excellent environments. = Overall,=20 however, the movement has become a mass production of top-down, = privately=20 subsidized schools, said Michelle Fine, a City University of New York = education=20 professor, that have little to do with their social justice-minded = ancestors.=20 Quality has been sacrificed for speed.

To counter these charges, the administration cites comparisons = between the=20 small schools and the large ones they replaced. For example, the large = South=20 Bronx High School had a 48 percent graduation rate in 2001; five years = later,=20 three small schools that replaced it averaged an 83 percent graduation = rate.=20 Evander Childs High School in the Bronx graduated just 31 percent of its = students in 2002, compared with 93 percent in 2006 for Bronx Aerospace, = a small=20 Junior ROTC replacement school.

But these small schools were admitting students who were more likely = to=20 succeed, according to a survey of the first fifteen small schools = conducted by=20 the United Federation of Teachers (UFT). Their entering ninth graders = had higher=20 state test scores than those at large schools. The schools also had far = fewer=20 special-education students and non-English speakers and in some cases = more money=20 per student. The union found that Bronx Aerospace had half the number of = special-education kids, nearly four times fewer English-language = learners and=20 spent about $5,000 more per pupil than its host school, Evander Childs. =

Moreover, a recent study by the New York Immigration Coalition and = Advocates=20 for Children found that non-English speakers are not given "full and = equitable=20 access" to the small schools. Small schools were allowed to exempt=20 special-education and English-language learners from their first two = start-up=20 years. New incentives are in place to help the small schools serve a = fraction of=20 these high-needs kids. But large concentrations of these two populations = have=20 been shuffled into the remaining large, ill-equipped high schools. The = Citywide=20 Council on High Schools has filed a discrimination case with the US = Education=20 Department's Office of Civil Rights.

In the end, the small-school initiative exhibited the contradictions = of this=20 administration. "They are mass-producing unique schools," said Leo = Casey, a top=20 UFT official, "and destroying them in the bargain."

Totalitarian Testing

Nothing has more impact on education than attempts to measure it. = Generally,=20 educators believe teacher-generated assessments work best as an organic = part of=20 classroom curriculum. CEOs believe company-produced tests administered = on a=20 centralized schedule create a more equitable education. "Data collection = is part=20 of instruction," Klein told the City Council education committee last = January,=20 when questioned on the hours of instruction time lost to test = preparation and=20 paperwork (up to two days a week, according to a 2005 UFT teacher = survey).

Klein's metaphors tell their own story. The chancellor sometimes = refers to=20 children as cars in a shop, a collection of malfunctions to be adjusted. = Teachers need to "look under the hood," he says, to figure out the = origins of=20 the pings. The diagnostic information is then made available in pie = charts and=20 color bar graphs, child by child, as the year rolls along.

"You get granular information this way about a child's strengths and=20 weaknesses," said James Liebman, Klein's chief accountability officer = and a=20 Columbia University civil rights law professor. "And you get instant = return on=20 the data. We are providing a lot more tools to give teachers the = capacity to=20 look at a child and see what they are doing."

The 2001 federal No Child Left Behind Act emphasizes state = standardized tests=20 to measure each child's level of proficiency. The city's system ratchets = up that=20 process, measuring each child's growth from one year to the next rather = than his=20 or her ability to hit or miss a single standards target. In may be = fairer to use=20 multiple instruments, but it requires millions of dollars and an army of = additional tests.

Liebman has designed "progress reports," issuing a grade of A through = F for=20 each school in areas of environment, performance and progress--with 85 = percent=20 of this information deriving from state standardized tests. "Quality = reviews"=20 are conducted yearly by a team of evaluators hired by a British company, = Cambridge Education, which charges $16 million a year. The team visits = schools=20 to see how well they are using all the data to improve learning. A new = "robust"=20 IBM data-management system called ARIS will keep track of every grain of = information collected on each child. Cost: $80 million.

The most controversial policy is something called periodic = assessments,=20 popular with business models. These are standardized tests, on top of = the=20 once-a-year state tests, given to kids every few weeks for additional = feedback.=20 The administration had already signed up Princeton Review (owned by = Bertelsmann)=20 as part of its $21 million contract to administer math and reading tests = for=20 grades three through eight, three times a year. That commitment was = scrapped.=20 CTB/McGraw-Hill was hired as a replacement, for $80 million over five = years.=20 Starting this fall, the tests will be ramped up to five times a year. = High=20 school students will be added to the cycle four times a year. In June = Klein=20 appointed Harvard economist Roland Fryer as the department's "chief = equality=20 officer." Fryer's main proposal offers cash payouts to students for = perfect=20 scores on the McGraw-Hill tests--$25 to fourth graders and $50 to = seventh=20 graders. Principals who agree to this experiment will receive $5,000 for = their=20 schools.

Statistical disputes aside, the basic disagreement is over what = constitutes=20 an educated child. Is it someone who can demonstrate "grains" of = isolated skills=20 or someone who has the capacity to think and explore with a sense of = wonder and=20 depth? So far, the grains have the upper hand. "This administration is = preparing=20 children to do these small tasks, stripping education down to its = parched=20 bones," said Tom Sobol. "The soul of education is left at the door." =

The public is losing faith in the New York schools revolution. In = March a=20 Quinnipiac University opinion poll found that 58 percent of those = surveyed=20 longed for an independent elected board at the helm rather than the = mayor.=20 Klein's surprise announcement of a new overhaul last winter--a sort of=20 decentralization in drag, with tighter control at the top over more = empowered=20 principals at the bottom--triggered even more outrage. "There is no = evidence=20 that your first reforms improved kids' learning," chided a visibly = peeved City=20 Council education chair Robert Jackson in January.

The truth is, the evidence is mixed at best. Klein points to improved = academic achievement, higher graduation rates and a greater number of=20 high-quality school choices since the mayor took over in 2002. He claims = that 60=20 percent of ninth graders graduated four years later in 2006, an 18 = percent hike.=20 During the same period, math scores rose 20 percentage points, meaning = that 57=20 percent of students in third through eighth grades met or exceeded = standards.=20 Reading scores rose 10 percent, to 51 percent. This spring an = eight-point hike=20 in math scores across the grades, to 65 percent, meeting standards, and = a 5=20 point rise in reading scores, to 42 percent for eighth graders, was = cause for=20 celebration--even though reading scores for third and fourth graders = dropped an=20 average of four points.

But the numbers are hotly contested. Diane Ravitch, a former = education=20 official in the George Bush Sr. White House, questions why the = chancellor counts=20 2002 as his starting point, when the initiatives did not kick in until = January=20 2003. Test scores can be volatile instruments. The recent eighth-grade = reading=20 scores were up all across New York State this year by eight points, from = 49 to=20 57 percent, an indication that the test itself was likely easier. The = graduation=20 rate is another bugaboo: The state calculates a 50 percent graduation = rate for=20 the city (not 60 percent), because it figures GEDs, English-language = learners=20 and special-education diplomas differently from the city. Overall, the = radical=20 overhaul seems to have produced modest improvement rather than landmark=20 progress. "Their gains are respectable, not historic," Ravitch told a = packed=20 crowd at St. John's University last March.

Perhaps the most notable development has been the mobilization of = opponents=20 from among disparate city groups. An overflow crowd of 1,000 angry New = Yorkers=20 descended on Manhattan's St. Vartan's Cathedral in late February to = protest the=20 latest round of changes. It was a rare coalition of forces, angry enough = to set=20 aside their individual agendas to unite against the Department of = Education.=20 Here were City Council members, elected officials, activist groups like = ACORN,=20 the Working Families Party, labor unions, an immigrant coalition and = citywide=20 parent groups.

The most powerful group, and the one that gave this assembly its=20 institutional clout, was the UFT, which has more than 100,000 members. = Its=20 legendary statewide political power was forged in the 1960s by black and = Latino=20 community groups battling for control of the schools. In recent years = the union=20 had made peace with its past, creating real ties to parent groups. In = many ways=20 Klein and Bloomberg helped create this assembly by cutting off channels = once=20 used routinely by the too-powerful union to influence policy. The effect = was to=20 alienate both teachers and parents, pushing them together. "No = administration=20 has been as hostile to the union as this one," said the UFT's Casey. =

The mayor's response to this historic show of unity has been to = dismiss it as=20 a small collection of parents influenced by powerful self-interested = groups. But=20 he may be ignoring this group of pols and parents at his peril. = Rumblings that=20 February night at Hostos called for an end to mayoral control. The = measure is up=20 for renewal by the New York State Legislature in 2009.

Few New Yorkers have any appetite for returning to the old school = board days.=20 But most would like to see some democratic checks and balances built = into what=20 has become a two-man show. An independent elected board could oversee = budget,=20 contracts and policy decisions, and the selection of future chancellors. = The=20 input of seasoned educators is needed again at the highest = decision-making=20 levels. Regional boards could help return a sense of community to the = city's=20 schools. At the classroom level, school-based teams of teachers and = parents=20 should be given some real clout. As for testing, department officials = would do=20 well to emulate the Republican state of Nebraska, which has invested in=20 teacher-created assessments (now threatened by new legislation) that do = not=20 choke curriculums.

Americans tend to hold only a few big ideas sacred. One of them is = the=20 promise that its unique public school system can offer every child a = crack at=20 the American dream. Ironically, the top-down corporate solutions popular = with=20 CEO superintendents like Klein wrest control from the people they claim = to=20 serve. "Public schools are the cornerstone of our democracy," said = Irving Hamer=20 Jr., Manhattan representative on the last Board of Education. "If we let = them=20 quietly slip through the public's hands, we are breaking the covenant of = civic=20 participation in this country."

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